"Man always kills the thing he loves," wrote naturalist Aldo Leopold in the environmentalist bible, A Sand County Almanac. Leopold was referring to Americans' destruction of the wilderness, but he could have been describing the green establishment's hostile reaction to the "hybrid carbon tax" proposed by Michigan Rep. John Dingell last month.
Dingell's tax package, combining a carbon-busting tax on fossil fuels, a surtax on gasoline and jet fuel, and a phase-out of subsidies for sprawl homes, should have been greeted by environmentalists like the Second Coming. Extrapolated to 2025, the carbon tax alone would cut annual CO2 emissions by 1.3 billion metric tons (a sixth of current emissions) and curb U.S. oil usage by 2.8 millions barrels a day (mbd). With Dingell's petrol surcharge, the savings swell to nearly 1.6 billion metric tons of CO2 and 4.5 mbd, more than the entire oil output of Iran.
Further savings would come from abolishing the tax-deductibility of mortgage interest on houses larger than 4,200 square feet, a loophole that has underwritten millions of McMansions on America's SUV-crazed exurban fringe. (Smaller houses down to 3,000 square feet would also lose some deductions, on a sliding scale.) Taken as a whole, Dingell's proposal would be a giant step toward what Friends of the Earth terms "decarbonizing the tax code." It would also embody the cardinal sustainability precept that keeps Europe's carbon footprint at half of ours: energy prices must tell the truth, even if it requires taxing fuels.
Alas, with the lone exception of FoE, leading Big Green groups have gone after Dingell's proposed bill like a clear-cutter on crank.
Sierra Club executive director Carl Pope lambasted Dingell for deliberately advancing a strategy "designed to fail" that would torpedo "the most popular mechanism for reducing oil consumption -- tougher fuel economy standards" for automobiles. Greenpeace accused Dingell of spewing "empty rhetoric that keeps the House of Representatives from enacting global warming solutions" such as stronger CAFE standards. To drive home the point, Greenpeace staged a press event in which it converted Dingell's district office parking lot into a mock car dealership selling gas-guzzling "Dingell Destroyers."
The backstory here is Dingell's history of obstructing car fuel-economy standards. As longtime chair or ranking Democrat of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, Dingell has always resisted raising standards or extending them to SUVs and pickups. Nor has the diabolically crafty Dingell helped his credibility as a carbon taxer with repeated warnings that "the American people [aren't] willing to pay" what it will really cost to stop disastrous climate change.
Still, the Sierra Club et al. ought to be able to distinguish the message from the messenger, and even if Dingell is a flawed, albeit powerful, messenger, carbon-busting tax reform is certainly the right message. But strangely, the green establishment is so wedded to CAFE that it has blinded itself to the far greater power of Dingell's carbon tax.
As estimated by the authoritative American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, by 2025 the "preferred" Markey-Platts CAFE bill (H.R. 1506) would be saving 340 million metric tons of CO2 and 2.5 mbd of oil -- not chicken feed, but only one fourth and one half, respectively, the reductions I calculate for the Dingell hybrid carbon tax (assuming that the annual tax ramp-up proposed for the first five years continues indefinitely). Moreover, most of the gasoline savings under the carbon tax would come from reductions in driving that would confer huge ancillary benefits such as less highway congestion, fewer crashes, and more walking and biking, whereas under Big Green's CAFE route, vehicle miles traveled would actually increase as driving became cheaper.
The crackpot realists of Big Green, as C. Wright Mills might have branded them, reply that a carbon tax is politically unsalable and won't be needed once Congress "puts a price on carbon" by enacting a carbon cap-and-trade system. The dirty secret here is that the cap-and-trade proposals now in vogue are much loved by special interests who see limitless possibility for "gaming" the system, and Big Green has an equally limitless appetite for "allies" among the corporate elites. There is no other possible explanation for Big Green's deafening failure to make hay of last week's Nobel Prize announcement: peace laureate Al Gore is the planet's best-known carbon tax advocate. Indeed, Gore used the occasion of his testimony before Dingell's House Committee last March to reiterate his call for replacing the regressive, anti-jobs payroll tax with a tax on carbon emissions.
Needless to say, a carbon tax and regulatory mandates like CAFE aren't mutually exclusive. In fact the higher pump prices from Dingell's hybrid carbon tax would add to, not detract from, political pressure to broaden and strengthen mileage standards.
Perhaps the environmental establishment will get its way and Congress will pass a CAFE bill while continuing to ignore the growing calls for taxing carbon. In that event, what enviros will brand a home run will in reality be more like an infield single, and the principle of reflecting climate damage and other "externality costs" in energy prices will continue, like the proverbial elephant in the parlor, to be studiously ignored.
"What good are forty freedoms without a blank space on the map," Aldo Leopold wrote, just before mid-century. It's difficult to match that eloquence. But in our own latter-day, wonky way, we might best follow Leopold's example by asking: What good are mileage standards, LEED certificates, renewable-energy quotas, and the rest of the fiddly patchwork of energy mandates without carbon taxes to inform and influence billions of individual and social decisions every day to reduce fuel use and, collectively, transform the U.S. into a truly energy-conserving society?
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sunflower Posted 6:26 am
15 Oct 2007
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Jon Rynn Posted 7:01 am
15 Oct 2007
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Ron Steenblik Posted 8:14 am
15 Oct 2007
Wouldn't a carbon tax be a way the Right could try to kill government off?
If that were the case, European governments -- with their high taxes on gasoline and diesel (current prices in France are around $7.50 per gallon for gasoline) -- should have disappeared long ago.
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Jon Rynn Posted 8:25 am
15 Oct 2007
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Gar Lipow Posted 8:36 am
15 Oct 2007
This way you don't have other programs depending on revenue from a source that is extremely unpredictable and that (If it serves its purpose) will decline in the long run. Revenue is unpredictable because for a given rate elasticity determines revenue, and as I've been learning, elasticity can be predicted only very roughly. So return revenue to the people, you compensate for regressivity, while not making any important program dependent on an uncertain source. Also, if you can communicate how it works it should lower resistance to extremely high rates if needed.
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jackafuss Posted 8:47 am
15 Oct 2007
Lower marginal rates would bring jobs to America while the higher cost of fossil fuels would provide incentives for countless initiatives to conserve or to substitute clean fuels.
Both of these basic bills, carbon tax and simplified income tax are circulating through the Ways and Means Committee, after the first Christmas Tree bills run into the veto, it will be time for congress to get serious and solve several problems in one grand compromise. emigration reform should be thrown into the mix if possible!
Jack
The Kingdom of God is at hand!
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Ron Steenblik Posted 8:57 am
15 Oct 2007
The rate would need to be reasonably constant over time, and revised only in light of changes either in the estimated social cost of carbon emissions, or market in prices (e.g., linked to a three-year average).
If revenues from the carbon tax were to fall, there are other sources of government revenue that could be adjusted upwards if need be. It is unlikely that the income tax would be totally displaced by a carbon tax.
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Jon Rynn Posted 9:00 am
15 Oct 2007
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Ron Steenblik Posted 9:13 am
15 Oct 2007
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Sam Wells Posted 10:57 am
15 Oct 2007
So you can't divert taxes from from the core, non-discretionary programs or they would implode. I suppose one could repeal all the tax cuts to the rich and apply that to global warming efforts, but is that likely or even enough money?
I'm just trying to be realistic here. You can't act like you have a clean slate - and you know that people will fight over money more than anything (except, apparently, the 800 billion in funny money we spent in Iraq already). Even a small tweak to the tax code will make sheep roar like lions! /sam
Onward through the fog
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Jon Rynn Posted 11:08 am
15 Oct 2007
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Gar Lipow Posted 11:34 am
15 Oct 2007
Yes. Not quite all that. I would say repeal the Reagan and Carter and Nixon tax cuts. Take it back to where it was under Kennedy. Cut the Military Budget. Add a Tobin tax. That is how you finance reasonable social programs and finance fighting global warming.
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Ron Steenblik Posted 11:34 am
15 Oct 2007
Here's a concrete example: Every time there is a GATT or WTO trade round, import tariffs are reduced, which has a similar effect on federal budget revenues as your worried-over decline in carbon-tax revenues. Somehow the government copes.
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Ron Steenblik Posted 11:35 am
15 Oct 2007
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Jon Rynn Posted 12:00 pm
15 Oct 2007
Ron, you might be amused to know that Thom Hartmann, daily radio show host at Air America, often relishes pointing out that all Federal revenues came from the tariff until after the Civil War, and was still significant before World War II. I'm not advocating depending on tariffs for a dependable revenue stream: I'm much more interested in having the richest and most powerful contribute their fair share.Of course, since they are the richest and most powerful, that makes it the most politically difficult revenue source to get.
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Ron Steenblik Posted 2:25 pm
15 Oct 2007
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Jon Rynn Posted 2:34 pm
15 Oct 2007
I guess France just woke up, Chicago's going to sleep! A bientot.
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Colin Wright Posted 3:34 pm
15 Oct 2007
In theory, you could design a tax and rebate system which ensured that money was transferred from the rich to the poor and which was constantly adjusted to maintain a steady cap on the amount of carbon the country produced. But while it would be no harder to implement than a rationing system, it would, because of the complex system of fees and rebates, be more difficult to explain. Complex ideas seldom do well in politics, as most people do not have the time or patience required to understand them.(p.44)
While I think the Brits are further ahead of us in thinking about GW, I do think it will be a while before Americans are willing to consider rationing. But it did work here in WWII, and the libertarians among us might be pleased when Monbiot writes:The market created by carbon rationing will automatically stimulate demand for low-carbon technologies, such as public transport and renewable energy. In other words, in every respect this proposal will be less statist than its competitors.(p. 47)
Of course, I think when Peak Oil breaks into public consciousness, then the arguments for carbon rationing will make much more sense.
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lorna salzman Posted 1:57 am
16 Oct 2007
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Jon Rynn Posted 2:18 am
16 Oct 2007
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drosenblum Posted 5:39 am
16 Oct 2007
The "green establishment" that Charlie criticizes has been attacking Congressman Dingell, not the carbon tax. It has legitimate reasons to be upset at Dingell about CAFE. In addition, I wouldn't have referred to a monolithic green establishment.
I would not have used the "clear-cutter on crank" language, which suggests an irrational drug-crazed response. In my view, the responses to Dingell on CAFE issues are entirely rational.
I do agree with Charlie that Dingell has not presented the carbon tax in the most productive fashion. Dingell has, however, done a tremendous service by adding his clout to the carbon tax legislation already proposed by Congressmen Stark, McDermott and Larson.
I wouldn't have compared a one-time CAFE change to the questionable assumption that the Dingell ramp-up would continue indefinitely.
I wouldn't have used the "crackpot realists" language. We do differ with the political analysis of many cap-and-trade proponents, in part because we're convinced that a revenue-neutral carbon tax is politically feasible when compared to the effective tax that results from a cap-and-trade scheme.
I would not have used Charlie's "dirty secret" language nor his statement that 'Big Green has an equally limitless appetite for "allies" among the corporate elite.' I accept the fact that many people for whom I have great respect currently support cap-and-trade for rational reasons, although I'm distressed that some environmentalists support a form of cap-and-trade that would give away allowances.
I disagree with the statement that "Perhaps the environmental establishment will get its way and Congress will pass a CAFE bill while continuing to ignore the growing calls for taxing carbon." The environmental establishment generally wants to put a price on carbon and I'm hopeful that more and more organizations will recognize that carbon taxes are the optimal approach. The groups Charlie attacks have not attacked carbon taxes.
Re Charlie's final point, asking "what good are mileage standards, [etc.}? My answer would be a lot, but not enough. We also need a carbon tax.
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rauschpfeife Posted 7:32 am
16 Oct 2007
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rsmith02 Posted 1:20 pm
16 Oct 2007
The goal is emissions reductions- so do you set the tax at X level that roughly puts us on the desired emissions trajectory and is regularly tweaked to keep us on the right path? Without that mechanism it seems that taxation levels may not work at all as intended as others wrote above that price elasticity re: carbon is only roughly understood.
I'm also highly skeptical that trading carbon tax revenue for income tax revenue will enable us to meet our climate goals. If we don't pour money into R&D, weatherization programs, new mass transit, etc, we may be left with people just paying the "tax" in the form of gasoline and home heating fuels as they have no other option and the market has failed them.
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nancylaplaca Posted 2:09 pm
16 Oct 2007
Nancy LaPlaca
http://www.energyjustice.net/coal/igcc
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Ron Steenblik Posted 3:24 am
17 Oct 2007
In my view, it is putting the cart before the horse to condemn carbon taxes on the basis of prior assumptions that either the resulting revenues will be too much or too little. There are other ways to raise government revenues, if that is necessary, or to return some of the revenues to taxpayers, if that is desired.
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Jon Rynn Posted 4:54 am
17 Oct 2007
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