Watching the remains of a movement strain our every organizational fiber to advance a climate bill we know is a travesty reminds me of G.K. Chesterton’s observation about sex: the pleasure is momentary, the position ridiculous, and the expense damnable.
Waxman-Markey ought to be opposed by U.S. environmentalists for obvious and pragmatic reasons—street arguments, if you like. In the topsy-turvy world of U.S. climate advocacy, however, political lessons wrung from decades of hard experience have been turned inside out, so that down feels like up and wrong is the new right.
Our descent into an Alice-in-Wonderland politics took more than a decade, and there has never been a defining moment when alternative strategies were considered head to head. As a result, we stand on the threshold of cataclysm pushing policy that can’t work and see no alternative.
In hundreds of conversations with friends and colleagues—senior staff and leaders in our major organizations and environmental foundations—a remarkably consistent and fundamentally illogical train of thought emerges ...
What we are doing now won’t work, but we can’t do any better because we don’t have enough power to advance a real solution. We might, in retrospect, have strengthened our position—refocusing resources, energizing our base, binding together our uncoordinated efforts—but institutional barriers stood in the way, and anyway now it’s too late. We must push for the best that can be gotten, because what else is there to do? Should I just give up and become a ski bum/move to Vermont/go to graduate school/start a vegetable garden/etc.?
What a miserable choice; support a joke climate bill or give up. Both actions, it seems to me, are forms of despair. The first option is delusional, the second option is a self-fulfilling prophecy, and neither is acceptable to the human spirit.
Thankfully, intrepid folks working outside the boundaries of our major organizations have honed all the core elements necessary for an alternative U.S. climate campaign that is pragmatic and idealistic, without being naive.
Assembling these pieces will be the topic of an upcoming post (along with the case against Waxman-Markey and an outline of a functional solution, drawing on the only successful model of international action, the Montreal Protocol). There is little point in discussing such specifics, however, without first considering the elephant in the living room.
It is perhaps too late for humanity to draw back from the brink, but we do not know this with certainty. There is no doubt, however, that we have reached the final act and the decisions of senior U.S. environmental leaders this year will decide the outcome.
So why are we allowing the very same architects of our failed strategy of the last two decades to determine our future? When people talk about “institutional barriers,” what they are really mean is that the people at the top aren’t going to shift course or leave in time.
Sierra Club and National Wildlife Federation aside, most of our organizations are only three decades old and still run by founders or second-generation leaders who continue to operate under the same basic assumptions, as if the world were not being turned upside down. Stated baldly, however, the assumptions are ridiculous.
- U.S. environmentalists should make common cause with corporations like BP, Conoco-Phillips, Dow, Duke Energy, DuPont, Ford, GE, Johnson & Johnson, PepsiCo, PG&E, and Shell rather than stand with climate scientists like Jim Hansen and others.
- Any compromise (such as endorsing 450 ppm or exempting super-greenhouse gases from a climate bill) is acceptable in the interest of passing something.
- Organizational interests come before effective climate action.
- We have lots of time, that’s why it’s OK to pass a weak bill (we can always strengthen it latter), and why it would be foolish to spend our reserves.
- Protest, disruption, and civil disobedience are harmful.
- There is no alternative to our present course of action (the one we devised more than a decade ago, in which our organizational and personal reputations are invested).
It ought to be obvious that the truth lies in precisely the opposite direction:
- Environmentalists must stand on precautionary climate science—major corporations (particularly energy conglomerates) are the enemy.
- Environmentalists should speak the truth, which means we must draw a line distinguishing functional climate action from window dressing.
- U.S. environmentalists must throw everything we’ve got into a last-minute, cooperative drive to fundamentally shift the U.S. course of climate action.
- We have no time, we cannot fix our errors latter.
- Cozy accommodation has stripped us of power and compromised our leadership—by not taking to the streets we have shown that we don’t really believe what we are saying.
- There are many things we could be doing—we have billions of dollars, thousands of highly trained staff and a core of climate activists desperate for leadership.
It’s hard to accept, because our crisis is slow moving, but U.S. environmentalists stand in the same spot as other small groups throughout history who have had to choose between courageous, difficult stands with long hope of victory or going along with the flow. It’s our decision now.
Comments
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kkloor Posted 1:38 pm
09 Jun 2009
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TheAK Posted 7:17 pm
09 Jun 2009
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Peter Wood Posted 7:43 pm
09 Jun 2009
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mmooney Posted 7:53 pm
09 Jun 2009
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randino Posted 4:01 am
10 Jun 2009
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Dave from Canada Posted 8:48 am
10 Jun 2009
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jestbill Posted 10:04 am
10 Jun 2009
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ids Posted 10:10 am
10 Jun 2009
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mmooney Posted 10:36 am
10 Jun 2009
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ids Posted 10:04 am
10 Jun 2009
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Bart Anderson Posted 12:37 pm
10 Jun 2009
http://postcarbon.org/what_bleeping_jokeObama may be a great guy, but the Democrats are getting more and more funding from industry. In the bank bailout, healthcare, and now climate, the Democrats are now overtly the party of big business. They need to be pushed from the other direction to make them stay honest.Bart
Energy Bulletin
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Chris Pratt Posted 12:50 pm
10 Jun 2009
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ids Posted 1:03 pm
10 Jun 2009
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mmooney Posted 1:27 pm
10 Jun 2009
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rogerkb Posted 1:15 pm
10 Jun 2009
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Bart Anderson Posted 1:53 pm
10 Jun 2009
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jestbill Posted 5:29 pm
10 Jun 2009
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Bart Anderson Posted 8:55 pm
10 Jun 2009
climate bill, Rep. Gene Green D-Tex.) won support for an amendment
that deleted a single word and inserted two others. The words could be
worth millions of dollars to U.S. oil refiners.The Green amendment deleted the word "sources" and inserted
"emission points." In the arcane world of climate legislation, that
tiny bit of editing might one day give petroleum refiners valuable
rights to emit carbon dioxide when it otherwise might not have been
allowed. Refiners
could get the extra allowances in return for cutting carbon emissions
by 50 percent at a single point of a vast refinery complex instead of
slashing emissions by 50 percent for the entire facility. How would you propose to stop such abuses? Note that this amendment is from a Democrat. The goal is not to get any legislation enacted, it is to get good legislation.Bart / Energy Bulletin
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jestbill Posted 9:27 am
11 Jun 2009
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Dave from Canada Posted 9:37 am
11 Jun 2009
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Peter Wood Posted 10:35 pm
10 Jun 2009
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Bart Anderson Posted 9:43 am
11 Jun 2009
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jestbill Posted 9:13 pm
11 Jun 2009
political contributions? If the present political system were what the
electorate "wants," there would be no need. Successful businesses do
not spend needlessly"If the electorate were irrelevant, there'd be no need for TV ads: they'd just call up their congress persons and tell 'em what they wanted. The lobbying etc. is to convince our representatives that they'll have an easier time getting reelected (by the "electorate") if they vote a certain way. The problem with our difference is that we aren't necessarily talking about the same things.The "electorate" gets what it wants. Individuals in that electorate may disagree strongly: if the issue is closely competitive, three guys in North Dakota may swing the balance. The reason I can say that we get what we want is that so many of us are willing to stick to our extremist positions with no regard for what is politically or practically achievable. By being thick headed, we force those three guys to make our decisions for us. (And you must know they are in the pockets of Big Coal.)
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ids Posted 10:16 am
11 Jun 2009
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Ken Ward Posted 10:27 am
11 Jun 2009
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Peter Wood Posted 7:13 am
12 Jun 2009
I think we need to have a less than 20% chance of exceeding 2 degrees centigrade of warming. This is consistent with a global budget of 1356 Gt of greenhosue gas emissions (carbon dioxide equivalent) between 2000 and 2050. That would be likely to be consistent with a 350 ppm CO2 (not CO2-e) stabilistaion target.
If no legislation reducing emissions is passed in the near future, the world will use up this budget not long after 2020. If emissions reductions start soon, even if the trajectory is wrong (as is the case with W-M), then we could still tighten the trajectory later (which may require more legislation), and stay within a relatively safe outcome. What we need to do now is put pressure on the W-M bill so that it has a much better target, and has mechanisms for reducing emissions beyond the target.
You say that it is irrational to support emissions reductions that are not good enough. This is far from the truth. The risks associated with no emissions reductions now are vastly more serious that the risks associated with weak emissions reductions now. In any case, we need to keep the pressure on the US administration, and focus on measures that reduce emissions. This requires that we get more serious on issues of policy.
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mmooney Posted 8:07 am
12 Jun 2009
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Chris Pratt Posted 10:56 am
11 Jun 2009
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Ken Ward Posted 1:58 pm
12 Jun 2009
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Bart Anderson Posted 3:39 pm
12 Jun 2009
("Henry Waxman's climate change bill won’t make it into law this year. That’s why he’s the right guy for the job"). Excerpt:Waxman has borrowed his negotiating tools from USCAP, leaving open the question of how exactly the emissions allowances will be allocated—how many will be auctioned off, and how many will be given away. The proposal would also include a system of emissions offsets, which would allow federal regulators to count carbon-absorbing resources like forests against the pollution limits.
While such flexibility is the greatest strength of Waxman’s plan, however, it’s also its greatest weakness. The bill’s wiggle room improves its chances of passing Waxman’s committee and later the Senate—but, if abused, could also gut the bill of its effectiveness. "The [draft] bill includes two billion tons of offsets, which is far too many," Greenpeace’s Steven Biel says. "You could meet the requirements under this cap with no emissions reductions at all for twenty years or more." There is also the cautionary tale of Europe, where a poorly conceived emissions-trading system did little to reduce actual emissions in its first several years while saddling industries with copious red tape.
Ultimately, the biggest obstacle to Waxman’s goals is the fact that climate change is exactly the kind of problem that Congress is least well calibrated to confront: a threat of existential scale but unclear contours, where all short-term incentives point in the wrong direction. ...- Bart / EB
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Devon Posted 2:54 pm
13 Jun 2009
Devon
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BlackbirdHighway Posted 5:28 pm
14 Jun 2009
The Republican party is completely controlled by corporations and the Democratic party is mostly controlled by corporations. That's why I voted Green Party. The Green Party has no chance of gaining the White House, at least not until it gains momentum by winning many local and state level races. That's doesn't mean it's not worth supporting. As far as environmental policy is concerned, it is so far ahead of the the two major parties that there is no contest. If you care about climate and you are voting Republican or Democratic then you are shooting yourself in the foot. That's how we end up with the present WM bill.Notably, Sun Tzu also said "It is a matter of life and death, a road either to safety or to ruin".
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